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Het Terrain Turns Hostile

Vredeshandhavers vinden ze nu een militaire kracht, met een vijand
Abel
The Star-Ledger The Star-Ledger
4/11/1999 4/11/1999

PETROVIC, Macedonia -- The radio in Sgt. Petrovic, MacedoniŽ - De radio in Sgt. 1st Class James Lashelle's Humvee crackled. 1st Class James Lashelle's Humvee kraakte.

"X-ray, this is Blue 5, we're taking direct fire," the voice said ó calmly, almost casually. "X-ray, dit is Blue 5, we vuur nemen direct," zei de stem - rustig, bijna terloops. "We're in contact. They're all over us." "We zijn in contact. Ze zijn allemaal over ons heen."

The message came during a routine patrol for Lashelle of Clinton, Iowa, and his company. Het bericht kwam tijdens een routine patrouille voor Lashelle van Clinton, Iowa, en zijn bedrijf. The American soldiers had been patrolling the rocky border between Serbia and Macedonia for several weeks. De Amerikaanse soldaten waren patrouilleren in de rotsachtige grens tussen ServiŽ en MacedoniŽ voor enkele weken.

When the words of Staff Sgt. Wanneer de woorden van Personeel Sgt. Christopher Stone, a 25-year-old father from Smiths Creek, Mich., came across the radio, the platoon sergeant thought his gunner was joking. Christopher Stone, een 25-jarige vader van Smiths Creek, Michigan, kwam over de radio, het peloton sergeant dacht dat zijn boordschutter was een grapje. "I didn't hear the edginess in his voice," Lashelle, who was cruising through the brush about three miles away, said last week. "Ik heb de scherpte niet horen in zijn stem," Lashelle, die borstel varen door de ongeveer drie mijl afstand, zei vorige week. "But I should have known. Sergeant Stone would not have made a joke like that." "Maar ik had het kunnen weten. Sergeant Stone wil dat niet hebben gedaan een grap."

In 30 seconds, the radio had gone dead. In 30 seconden, radio hadden de weg dood. Stone and two other cavalry scouts, Staff Sgt. Stenen en twee andere cavalerie verkenners, Personeel Sgt. Andrew Ramirez, 24, of Los Angeles, and Spc. Andrew Ramirez, 24, van Los Angeles, en SPC. Steven Gonzales, 24, of Huntsville, Texas, were gone. Steven Gonzales, 24, van Huntsville, Texas, waren verdwenen. The trio from the 1st Squadron, 4th Cavalry of 1st Infantry Division had been snatched by the Serbs. Het trio uit het 1e Eskadron, 4e cavalerie van 1st Infantry Division was gegrepen door de ServiŽrs.

"I was very frustrated," Lashelle said in an interview Wednesday. "Ik was erg gefrustreerd," Lashelle zei in een interview woensdag. He and other Americans here talked about losing three comrades and what it is like to be a part of an action that started as a peacekeeping mission and is now is military one. Hij en andere Amerikanen hier gesproken over het verlies van drie makkers en wat het is om een deel van een actie die begon als een vredesmissie en is nu militaire.

Lashelle and the missing men came to Macedonia from their home base in Schweinfurt, Germany. Lashelle en de ontbrekende mannen kwamen naar MacedoniŽ vanuit hun thuisbasis in Schweinfurt, Duitsland. Like US soldiers before them, they thought they were going to be UN peacekeepers. Net als Amerikaanse soldaten voor hen, ze dachten dat ze zouden worden VN-vredesmacht. Instead, they became part of a NATO force. In plaats daarvan werden ze onderdeel van een NAVO-troepenmacht.

The US presence is not welcomed by ethnic Serbs who live along the border in Macedonia. De Amerikaanse aanwezigheid is niet verwelkomd door etnische ServiŽrs die wonen langs de grens in MacedoniŽ. While the ethnic Albanians who have been expelled from Kosovo appreciate their help, many in Macedonia don't. Terwijl de etnische Albanezen die zijn uitgezet uit Kosovo waarderen hun hulp nodig, veel in MacedoniŽ niet.

Sgt. Sgt. Ronald Hintay, 29, of San Diego, feels the pressure. Ronald Hintay, 29, van San Diego, voelt de druk. This is his second tour in Macedonia. Dit is zijn tweede tour in MacedoniŽ. In 1995, he remembers locals smiled and waved as his convoy passed. In 1995, herinnert hij zich de lokale bevolking glimlachte en zwaaide als zijn konvooi voorbij. Then, their Humvees were painted white and their helmets were blue, signifying their relationship with the United Nations. Dan Humvees werden hun wit geschilderd en hun helmen waren blauw, dat hun relatie met de Verenigde Naties. Even when NATO launched a month-long bombing campaign against the Bosnian-Serb forces later that year, the border remained quiet, Hintay said. Zelfs wanneer NAVO later lanceerde een maand-lange bombardementen campagne tegen de Bosnisch-Servische strijdkrachten dat jaar, de grens rustige bleef, Hintay zei.

Conditions along the border, especially in ethnic Serbian areas within Macedonia, began to change when the United Nations mission ended in February. Omstandigheden langs de grens, in het bijzonder in etnische Servische gebieden in MacedoniŽ, begon te veranderen toen de VN-missie eindigde in februari. The bitterness has only increased since NATO began its bombing campaign March 24. De bitterheid is alleen maar toegenomen sinds de NAVO-bombardementen begonnen met haar campagne 24 maart.

Now, at least 12,000 NATO troops have replaced the UN soldiers, which include about 500 US soldiers, up from 350 when it was a UN operation. Nu, minstens 12.000 NAVO-troepen hebben op de plaats van de VN-soldaten, waarvan de exploitatie onder ongeveer 500 Amerikaanse militairen, een stijging van 350 toen het werd een VN. The blues and whites have been painted green. De blues en blanken zijn groen geschilderd. And there is more firepower. En er is meer vuurkracht.

"It's really become a hostile environment," Hintay said. "Het is echt geworden een vijandig milieu," Hintay zei. "Soldiers used to marry locals and go downtown all the time. Now, you can't go there . . . It makes me disappointed. We're trying to help this country." "Soldaten gebruikt om locals trouwen en downtown ga hele tijd. Nu kun je niet daarheen... Het maakt me teleurgesteld. We proberen tot land helpen dit."

Some of the newly arrived US soldiers are just confused. Sommige van de pas gearriveerde Amerikaanse soldaten zijn gewoon in de war.

Spc. SPC. Rachel Dawson, 20, of Cleveland, arrived in Camp Long here in Macedonia little more than a week ago from the 504th Brigade's base in Fort Hood, Texas. Rachel Dawson, 20, van Cleveland, aangekomen in Camp lang hier in MacedoniŽ iets meer dan een week geleden van 504e Brigade de basis van de in Fort Hood, Texas. Taking a water break, Dawson, one of the few American women serving here, confessed she had little idea what the war was about. Het nemen van een water te breken, Dawson, een van de weinige Amerikaanse vrouwen serveren hier, biechtte ze had weinig idee wat de oorlog over ging.

"Really, I don't know why we're bombing Serbia," she said. "Echt, ik weet niet waarom we ServiŽ zijn bombardementen," zei ze. "I just know what I hear on CNN. Someone's trying to get some land. I don't know." "Ik weet gewoon wat ik hoor op CNN. Iemand probeert het land nog wat. Ik weet het niet."

Other soldiers said they understood the tension. Andere soldaten zeiden dat ze begrepen de spanning. They know they may be among the vanguard likely to push into Kosovo, whether as peacekeepers or as an invading force. Ze weten dat ze kunnen worden bij de voorhoede vermoedelijk nog verder naar Kosovo, hetzij als vredeshandhavers of als een binnenvallende kracht.

"The Serbians are killing the ethnic Albanians, and we're here to stop it because they're committing crimes against humanity," said Spc. "De ServiŽrs zijn Albanezen het doden van de etnische, en we zijn hier om het te stoppen omdat ze het plegen van misdaden tegen de menselijkheid", zei SPC. Damon Harris, 26, of Springfield, Mo. When asked if he worried about an invasion, he answered, "Mine is not to ask who or why, but to do or die." Damon Harris, 26, van Springfield, Mo Toen hem werd gevraagd of hij zich zorgen over een invasie, antwoordde hij, "Mine is niet om te vragen wie of waarom, maar om te doen of te sterven."

For now, American soldiers in Macedonia are patrolling the border. Voor nu, Amerikaanse soldaten in MacedoniŽ patrouilleren in de grens. But there is evidence everywhere that their role has changed. Maar er is bewijs overal dat hun rol is veranderd. When they were part of a UN peacekeeping mission, they flew flags and advertised their presence. Toen ze waren onderdeel van een VN-vredesmissie, vlogen ze vlaggen en reclame hun aanwezigheid. Then they were observers. Dan waren ze waarnemers.

Not now. Niet nu. Now they're a military force with an enemy. Nu zijn ze een strijdmacht met een vijand.

Beefed-up patrols move surreptitiously along the border. Beefed-up patrouilles bewegen stiekem langs de grens. Soldiers carry more ammunition and are required always to carry weapons and protective vests. Soldaten dragen meer munitie en zijn altijd verplicht om vesten wapens dragen en beschermend. They're also authorized to use deadly force if attacked. Ze zijn ook bevoegd om geweld te gebruiken dodelijke als ze worden aangevallen.

"Everyone is very concerned about retribution," said Lt. Col. Jim Shufelt, commander of the US forces here. "Iedereen is erg bezorgd over vergelding", zei luitenant-kolonel Jim Shufelt, commandant van de Amerikaanse troepen hier. "It's possible we can be shelled or there can be a terrorist attack. Anything is possible." "Het is mogelijk dat we kunnen worden beschoten of er kan aanvallen een terrorist is. Alles is mogelijk."

Like more soldiers being captured by the Serbs. Graag meer soldaten worden gevangen genomen door de ServiŽrs. Shufelt is adamant that Stone's patrol didn't cross the border as the Serbs say. Shufelt is overtuigd dat Stone's patrouille niet de grens over te steken als de ServiŽrs zeggen. He believes the patrol was ambushed in Macedonia. Hij gelooft dat de patrouille was een hinderlaag in MacedoniŽ.

Chaos op de Grens
Door David Abel
Houston Chronicle Houston Chronicle
4/10/1999 4/10/1999

BRAZDA, Macedonia - To the sheep farmer, the scores of red government buses rounding the narrow road seemed like part of the normal flow of traffic between Yugoslavia and Macedonia. BRAZDA, MacedoniŽ - Om de schapenboer, de scores van de rode regering bussen afronding van de smalle weg leek onderdeel van de normale doorstroming van het verkeer tussen JoegoslaviŽ en MacedoniŽ.

Little did Fahdil Seruhe know that the buses rumbling through his valley were packed with thousands of weary ethnic Albanian refugees from Kosovo. Weinig wist Fahdil Seruhe weten dat de bussen rommelende via zijn vallei werden verpakt met duizenden vermoeide etnisch Albanese vluchtelingen uit Kosovo.

And little did Seruhe, an ethnic Albanian himself, realize that the land where his sheep have grazed for the past 20 years was surrounded by Europe's most chaotic refugee crisis since World War II. En weinig deed Seruhe, een etnische Albanees zelf beseffen dat het land waar zijn schapen hebben gegraasd voor de afgelopen 20 jaar werd omringd door vluchtelingen crisis Europa's meest chaotische sinds de Tweede Wereldoorlog.

"What crisis? I haven't heard about a refugee crisis," "Wat crisis? Ik heb niet gehoord over een vluchteling crisis" said Seruhe after he chased a stray sheep from the busy road. zei Seruhe nadat hij joeg een verdwaalde schapen uit de drukke weg. "I don't like politics. I try not to get involved." "Ik hou niet van politiek. Ik probeer niet om mee te doen."

The refugee crisis took some local villagers by surprise. De vluchteling crisis dorpelingen nam sommige lokale door verrassing. Yet in the 17 days since NATO began raining bombs on Yugoslavia, two massive camps have sprung up near this illiterate 42-year-old farmer's grazing grounds. Toch in de 17 dagen sinds NAVO begon regenen bommen op JoegoslaviŽ, massale kampen hebben twee opgesprongen buurt analfabeten 42-jaar oude landbouwer grazende dit gronden.

NATO officials say that what had been a chaotic response to the refugee influx in the war's first two weeks now is being shaped into a coordinated effort. NAVO ambtenaren zeggen dat wat had inspanning een chaotische reactie op de vluchteling toestroom de oorlog in eerste twee weken nu wordt gevormd tot een gecoŲrdineerde.

"The humanitarian effort continues to gain momentum, and I think it will be a matter of days before we have the situation quite under control," Sadako Ogata, the head of the UN refugee agency, told an Associated Press reporter. "De humanitaire inspanning blijft winnen, en ik denk dat het zal dagen niet alleen een kwestie van voordat we de situatie tamelijk onder controle", Sadako Ogata, het hoofd van de VN-vluchtelingenorganisatie, vertelde een verslaggever van Associated Press.

South of Seruhe's land, where the buses were headed, stands a new tent city that was built to accommodate up to 100,000 refugees. Ten zuiden van de land Seruhe, waar de bussen op weg waren, staat een nieuwe tent stad die werd gebouwd voor maximaal 100.000 vluchtelingen. In less than two days, NATO troops mainly from Britain, France and Italy erected the sprawling camp with the help of at least 50 US Marines. In minder dan twee dagen, de NAVO-troepen voornamelijk uit Groot-BrittanniŽ, Frankrijk en ItaliŽ opgericht de uitgestrekte kamp met de hulp van ten minste 50 US Marines.

The NATO camp sports rows of sturdy new tents rushed from the United States, Italy and Britain. De NAVO-kamp sport rijen stevige nieuwe tenten stormden vanuit de Verenigde Staten, ItaliŽ en Groot-BrittanniŽ. Multiple food stations are supplying about 30,000 refugees with bread, chicken, military rations and potable water. Meerdere stations voedsel leveren ongeveer 30.000 vluchtelingen met brood, kip, militaire rantsoenen en drinkbaar water. There are medical facilities. Er zijn medische voorzieningen. More importantly, refugees say, there is a sense of security. Wat nog belangrijker is, vluchtelingen zeggen, is er een gevoel van veiligheid.

"When the Serbs forced us to leave Pristina and said they would kill us if we didn't, it was bad," said Lindita Latife, 21, who studied math at a university in Kosovo's provincial capital. "Toen de ServiŽrs ons gedwongen om Pristina verlaten en zei dat ze ons zouden vermoorden als we niet, dat het slecht was", zei Lindita Latife, 21, die wiskunde studeerde aan een universiteit in de provinciale hoofdstad van Kosovo.

"Then we got to the border, and the Macedonians treated us like animals," Latife said. "Dan kregen we bij de grens, en de MacedoniŽrs ons behandeld als beesten", Latife gezegd. "First, they wouldn't let us enter. Then they made us sleep on the open, wet ground. And then they beat us when we complained. It's only now that we have some peace. This is a great place - even if I still can't take a shower." "Eerst zouden ze ons niet laten invoeren. Vervolgens maakten ze ons slapen op de open, natte groot terrein. En dan sloegen ze ons als plaats waar we geklaagd. Het is alleen dat we nu - wat rust. Dit is zelfs als ik kan nog steeds niet een douche nemen. "

To the north of Seruhe's fields - in a border settlement called Blace - stand the remnants of a ramshackle camp where Latife and thousands of other ethnic Albanians stayed until they were removed by Macedonian police earlier this week. Ten noorden van Seruhe de velden - in een grensgebied nederzetting met de naam Blace - staan de restanten van een gammele kamp waar Latife en duizenden andere etnische Albanezen bleven totdat ze werden verwijderd door de Macedonische politie eerder deze week.

The empty area is a portrait of squalor. De lege ruimte is een portret van ellende. Human waste, bottles and hastily discarded possessions and clothing litter the muddy paths. Menselijk afval, flessen en haastig weggegooid bezittingen en kleding nestje de modderige paden.

The makeshift tents in the camp had offered little protection from the cold rain. De geÔmproviseerde tenten in het kamp had aangeboden weinig bescherming tegen de koude regen. Food had become scarce, and diseases such as respiratory viruses and skin rashes had flared. Voedsel schaars waren geworden, en ziekten zoals respiratoire virussen en huiduitslag had verbrand.

At least 40 people are reported to have died at Blace, according to the UN refugee agency. Ten minste 40 mensen zijn naar verluidt overleed op Blace, volgens de VN vluchtelingenorganisatie.

The Macedonian government, which has been overwhelmed by the flood of refugees, controlled the Blace border camp. De Macedonische regering, die is overweldigd door de vloed van vluchtelingen, beheerste de Blace grens kamp. Troops surrounded the cramped grounds brandishing AK-47s. Troepen omsingelden het krappe terrein zwaaiend met AK-47's. Human rights workers and other monitors were barred from entering the fields. Mensenrechtenactivisten en andere monitoren werden uitgesloten van het invoeren van de velden. And customs officials were responsible for the slow admission and release of the exiled Kosovar Albanians. En douane-ambtenaren verantwoordelijk waren voor de trage toelating en het vrijgeven van de verbannen Kosovaarse Albanezen.

Many frustrated ethnic Albanians - who had been forced to wait up to four days in the open and in the range of Serbian guns in hopes of crossing the Macedonian border - have now returned to the interior of Kosovo, their fates unknown. Veel gefrustreerde etnische Albanezen - die waren gedwongen te wachten tot vier dagen in de open en in het bereik van de Servische kanonnen in de hoop van het oversteken van de Macedonische grens - hebben nu terug naar het interieur van Kosovo, hun lot onbekend.

Some refugees are being settled in camps in Macedonia such as the NATO tent city at Brazda, which Ogata toured Friday. Sommige vluchtelingen worden geregeld in kampen in MacedoniŽ zoals de NAVO-tent stad aan Brazda, die Ogata toerde vrijdag. Others are being sent to facilities in NATO member countries or in Albania. Anderen worden verzonden naar installaties in de NAVO-landen of in AlbaniŽ.

The United States and other countries have pledged to take thousands of refugees, but UN refugee officials indicated Friday that any plans to send the Kosovars to North America are on hold for now because of desires to keep them closer to their homes. De Verenigde Staten en andere landen hebben beloofd om vluchtelingen op te nemen duizenden, maar VN-vluchtelingenorganisatie ambtenaren liet vrijdag weten dat alle plannen om Kosovaren sturen naar Noord-Amerika op te houden voor nu, omdat de verlangens om ze dichter bij hun huizen.

Critics have charged that the dispersal of refugees would only help Yugoslav President Slobodan Milosevic complete his apparent goal of ridding Kosovo of ethnic Albanians. Critici hebben gebracht dat de verspreiding van vluchtelingen alleen zou helpen Joegoslavische president Slobodan Milosevic te voltooien zijn schijnbare doel van bevrijden Kosovo van etnische Albanezen.

The residents at Brazda seem grateful. De ingezetenen aan Brazda lijken dankbaar. "The NATO troops have been wonderful," said Ramadan Ibrahimi, a 27-year-old taxi driver. "De NAVO-troepen hebben een prachtig geweest", zegt Ramadan Ibrahimi, een 27-jarige taxichauffeur. "I saw them playing ball with children." "Ik zag ze spelen met een bal met kinderen."

Despite the gravity of the refugee crisis, some Macedonian villagers such as Seruhe live as though nothing has changed. Ondanks de ernst van de vluchteling crisis, een aantal Macedonische dorpelingen, zoals Seruhe leven alsof er niets is veranderd.

The sheep farmer, who says he rarely ventures more than a few miles from his home, had no idea that bombs were falling on neighboring Yugoslavia or that thousands of his fellow ethnic Albanians had been driven from their homes. De schapenboer, die zegt dat hij zelden ventures meer dan een paar mijl van zijn huis, had geen idee dat bommen vielen op naburige JoegoslaviŽ of dat duizenden van zijn collega-etnische Albanezen waren uit hun huizen verdreven.

He said he was merely enjoying the arrival of spring. Hij zei dat hij was louter voorjaar genietend de aankomst van.

"I have a job to do," he said, "and that's what I do. I don't pay attention to conflicts. "Ik heb een job te doen," zei hij, "en dat is wat ik doe. Ik heb geen aandacht te besteden aan conflicten.

"They don't make sense to me." "Ze hebben geen zin om mij."

Moslims toevlucht vinden in IsraŽl

Op symbolische dag, vluchtelingen Gain Asiel
Door David Abel
Defense Week Defensie Week
4/26/1999 4/26/1999

PETROVIC, Macedonia - Only a few hours before nightfall Monday, when Israel would begin observing Yom Hashoah, Holocaust Remembrance Day, a gleaming Boeing 737 lifted off the tarmac of Macedonia's principal airport, heading to Tel Aviv with 111 refugees from Europe's worst ethnic conflict since World War II. Petrovic, MacedoniŽ - Slechts een paar uur voor de avond viel maandag, toen IsraŽl zou beginnen te observeren Yom HaShoah, Holocaust Remembrance Day, een glimmende Boeing 737 opgetild het asfalt van de belangrijkste luchthaven van MacedoniŽ, op weg naar Tel Aviv met 111 vluchtelingen uit etnische conflict in Europa de slechtste sinds de Tweede Wereldoorlog.

None of the men, women or children recently exiled from Kosovo had ever visited Israel, a nation founded in 1948 in the wake of wartime genocide and ethnic persecution of Jews. Geen van de mannen, vrouwen of kinderen recentelijk verbannen uit Kosovo ooit had IsraŽl bezocht, een natie in 1948 opgericht in de nasleep van de oorlog genocide en etnische vervolging van Joden. Some of the ethnic Albanians said they knew little about the country they were being taken to, other than it had set up an efficient field hospital in their refugee camp. Sommige van de etnische Albanezen zeiden dat ze wisten weinig over het land waar ze werden genomen om, anders dan zij had het opzetten van een efficiŽnte veldhospitaal in hun vluchtelingenkamp. Others, however, knew exactly why they were going to Israel. Anderen, echter, wist precies waarom ze gingen naar IsraŽl.

"We have had a very similar fate as the Jews," said Astrit Kuchi, a 24-year-old medical student forced from his home at gunpoint in Kosovo's capital Pristina. "We hebben Joden hadden een zeer gelijkaardig lot als de", zei Astrit Kuchi, een 24-jarige student geneeskunde gedwongen uit zijn huis onder schot in de hoofdstad van Kosovo Pristina. "I think they understand us better than anyone. If they can't help us, no one can." "Ik denk dat ze ons beter begrijpen dan wie dan ook. Als ze kan ons niet helpen, kan niemand."

The refugees spent much of the previous three weeks on the cusp of hell. De vluchtelingen bracht een groot deel van de vorige drie weken op de vooravond van de hel. Serbian police forced them from their homes, sent many marching miles through snow-capped mountains and pushed them into a disease-infested no man's land. Servische politie dwongen hen uit hun huizen, mijlen gestuurd vele marcheren door besneeuwde bergen en duwde hen in ziektevrije besmette niemandsland een. Later, some were separated from their families as Macedonian police hastily herded them into sprawling refugee camps. Later werden enkele gescheiden van hun families Macedonische politie haastig dreef hen in uitgestrekte vluchtelingenkampen.

The ethnic Albanians came to Petrovic International Airport in four city buses. De etnische Albanezen kwamen Petrovic International Airport in vier stadsbussen. Most wore the same clothes and hadn't showered since leaving their homes in the embattled southern province of Serbia. De meeste droegen dezelfde kleren en had niet gedoucht sinds het verlaten van hun huizen in de strijdende zuidelijke provincie van ServiŽ. Pregnant women, babies sucking pacifiers, unshaven old men, unkempt teenage girls and young men lugging their family's few possessions slowly emerged from the buses as their names were called. Zwangere vrouwen, baby's zuigen fopspenen, ongeschoren oude mannen, onverzorgde tienermeisjes en jonge mannen sjouwen hun familie weinige bezittingen langzaam voortgekomen uit de bussen als hun namen werden genoemd.

Names such as Hasani, Ramadini, Hamid. Namen zoals Hasani, Ramadini, Hamid. Distinctively Muslim names. Onmiskenbaar moslim namen. Going to a land that uneasily grapples with the ethnic tensions of its own Muslim citizens. Naar een land dat worstelt met onbehaaglijk de etnische spanningen van zijn eigen islamitische burgers.

Lost fathers Verloren vaders
"I am going to Israel," beamed Kujtim Cerimi, 4, clutching a panda bear he calls Monkey. "Ik ga naar IsraŽl," straalde Kujtim Cerimi, 4, klemde een panda beer roept hij Monkey. "We will find a home there." "We zullen een woning vinden daar."

The little boy walked through a metal De kleine jongen liep door een metalen detector holding his uncle's hand. detector bedrijf van zijn oom hand. No one knew where his father was. Niemand wist waar zijn vader was. He might have been dead or just in another refugee camp. Hij zou dood zijn geweest of gewoon in een ander vluchtelingenkamp. Or somewhere searching for food near the family's burned home in the Kosovar village of Fushe. Of ergens voedsel zoeken buurt familie verbrand het huis in de Kosovaarse dorpje Fushe. But Kujtim and eight others from his family collected their blue boarding passes and shuffled toward the Israeli passenger jet to start a new life. Maar Kujtim en acht anderen uit zijn familie verzameld hun blauwe instapkaarten en schuifelde naar de IsraŽlische passagiersvliegtuig tot leven start een nieuwe.

Onboard Flight 100, the refugees found red and yellow nylon tote bags in their seats. Onboard Vliegticket 100, de vluchtelingen gevonden rode en gele nylon tote tassen in hun zitplaatsen. Inside were a few welcoming gifts: a white baseball cap, a bag of chocolates, an Israeli flag with its Star of David. Binnen waren een paar welkomstgeschenken: een witte baseballpet, een zak chocolaatjes, een IsraŽlische vlag met de Ster van David. Watching the refugees' tattered luggage roll into the cargo bay, the flight's captain, David Vernick, observed, "That's usually about enough bags for one family." Kijken naar de vluchtelingen 'gescheurde bagage rol in de laadruimte, de vlucht kapitein, David Vernick, waargenomen, "Dat is meestal ongeveer genoeg zakken voor een gezin."

Next to Vernick stood a row of Israeli dignitaries who had flown in a few hours before to deliver eight tons of medical supplies. Naast Vernick stond een rij van IsraŽlische hoogwaardigheidsbekleders die had gevlogen uren in een paar voordat tot levering acht ton van de medische. Included in the entourage was Irana Raslan, the 22-year-old Palestinian recently crowned Mrs. Israel. Inbegrepen in de entourage was Irana Raslan, de 22-jarige Palestijnse onlangs bekroond Mevrouw IsraŽl.

"Israel doesn't care if they are Muslim, Christian or Jewish," she said, watching as muddy shoes scurried up a staircase and 105 adults and six babies boarded the flag-draped airplane. "IsraŽl niet schelen als ze joden zijn moslim, christen of, 'zei ze, kijken als modderige schoenen rende een trap op en 105 volwassenen en zes baby's aan boord van de vlag gedrapeerd vliegtuig. "We came to help because these are people who are suffering." "We kwamen om te helpen, want dit zijn mensen die lijden."

Ran Curial, Israel's ambassador to Greece, said he expected his country would likely accept more Kosovars over the next few weeks. Ran Curial, De IsraŽlische ambassadeur in Griekenland, zei dat hij verwachtte dat zijn land waarschijnlijk Kosovaren meer accepteren in de komende paar weken. Israel is well-adapted to taking in refugees and large immigrant populations, he said. IsraŽl is goed aangepast aan de vluchtelingen opvangen en grote allochtone bevolking, zei hij. It accepts on average 50,000 new residents every year and previously has admitted refugees from wars in Bosnia, Rwanda and Ethiopia. Het accepteert gemiddeld 50.000 nieuwe inwoners per jaar en eerder heeft toegegeven vluchtelingen uit oorlogen in BosniŽ, Rwanda en EthiopiŽ.

Next stop: Kibbutz Volgende stop: Kibbutz
While many of the refugees may eventually return to Kosovo, Curial said they would be housed on a Kibbutz near the city of Haifa, where they would be given language training and opportunities to find work in their fields. Hoewel veel van de vluchtelingen kan uiteindelijk terug te keren naar Kosovo, Curial zei dat ze zouden worden gehuisvest op een kibboets in de buurt van de stad Haifa, waar ze zou worden gegeven taalcursussen en mogelijkheden om werk te vinden in hun vakgebied.

"It is very symbolic that this is happening on Yom Hashoah," Curial said during a tour of Israel's field hospital at the refugee camp in Brazda, which had tended to more than 700 patients and delivered six babies in its first six days of operation. "Het is heel symbolisch dat dit gebeurt op Jom HaShoah," Curial zei tijdens een tour van het veld IsraŽl ziekenhuis aan het vluchtelingenkamp in Brazda, die had de neiging om meer dan 700 patiŽnten en geleverd zes baby's in de eerste zes dagen van de operatie. "My feeling, and the feeling of many Israelis, is that we have to do what people did not do 55 years ago." "Mijn gevoel, en het gevoel van veel IsraŽli's, is dat we moeten doen wat mensen niet deden 55 jaar geleden."

Shehide Ramadani wasn't sure where she was going last Monday, but she was sure it would be better than where she came from. Shehide Ramadani was niet zeker waar ze heen ging afgelopen maandag, maar ze was zeker dat het zou beter dan waar ze vandaan kwam. The 19-year-old English student from Pristina watched as Serbs in black masks pillaged her home. De 19-jarige student Engels uit Pristina keek ServiŽrs in zwarte maskers geplunderd haar huis. Her father later was separated from her family in Macedonia. Haar vader werd later gescheiden van haar familie in MacedoniŽ. She believes he's in Germany. Ze gelooft dat hij in Duitsland.

Ramadini and the five family members heading with her to Israel learned about the openings because their tent in Brazda was near the Israeli hospital. Ramadini en de vijf gezinsleden post met haar naar IsraŽl geleerd over de openingen omdat hun tent in Brazda was in de buurt van de IsraŽlische ziekenhuis. It was the first ticket out of misery, she said. Het was de eerste ticket uit de ellende, zei ze.

"Really, I'm not sure where I'm going or what I will do," she said. "Echt, ik ben niet zeker waar ik heen ga of wat ik zal doen, 'zei ze. "But these people helped us when we needed help in the refugee camp. I believe they will help us more." "Maar deze mensen hebben ons geholpen toen we hulp nodig in het vluchtelingenkamp. Ik denk dat ze ons zal helpen meer."


Een mens Torrent

As exiles seek a life, Macedonia sees its delicate balance shift

By David Abel
The Star-Ledger
4/14/1999

SKOPJE, Macedonia - Pushing his way through the frenzied crowd, Servej Bela scuffled to secure a place in front of a small window at the local Red Cross last week.

Unlike thousands of ethnic Albanians fenced in in camps, this 19-year-old was not seeking bread, shelter or medicine.

He, like hundreds of others, was pleading for Macedonian identity cards.

Thirty-three cousins from Kosovo, who have taken refuge with Bela's family in a cramped two-room house, need the cards so they can resume their lives. They want to go to school, get medical aid and qualify for food supplements from international relief agencies.

The university student, who found his Kosovar cousins less than two weeks ago in a squalid refugee camp on the Macedonia-Serbian border, left empty handed. Authorities in this small, bucolic country of 2 million people, one of Europe's poorest, are concerned that the influx of ethnic Albanians will severely upset their nation's delicate ethnic and political balance.

Local Red Cross officials would not say how many identity cards will be issued. However, government officials have clearly encouraged refugees to stay in camps and have resisted settling the exiled in Macedonia.

More than half of the estimated 125,000 Kosovars sent here since NATO began its bombing campaign on March 24 have been taken in by friends, family or other ethnic Albanian host families, according to the UN High Commissioner for Refugees.

Before the war, ethnic Albanians accounted for at least 23 percent of Macedonia's population. That doesn't include an estimated 50,000 to 100,000 Kosovars who took refuge here last March as tensions mounted in their home province inside Serbia. And many fear, as the war continues, more will flood across the border.

Life for ethnic Albanians in this recently established country has improved since Macedonia gained independence from Yugoslavia in 1992. While as Muslims they have long been second-class citizens - the country is 70 percent Orthodox Christian - they find less isolation and more opportunities.

The nascent democracy, the only Yugoslav republic to peacefully separate from the former Communist country, has increasingly incorporated ethnic Albanians into influential positions throughout the country. They hold several powerful ministerial positions, including the job of vice premier. In the most recent national election in October, for example, the winning party, which had more than 60 percent of the vote, welcomed an ethnic Albanian party into its coalition.

Still, discrimination continues. "The bottom line is there are long-standing tensions between the ethnic Albanians and Macedonians," said a US diplomat at the embassy in Skopje. "The situation has gotten much better in recent years. But they aren't out of the woods by any means."

Macedonians worry that their country might turn into another Kosovo, Serbia's embattled southern province, with ethnic Albanians demanding independence or a "Greater Albania."

''That's what they want," says Vancho Petrov, 33, a Macedonian taxi driver, echoing comments heard from many locals. "I know these people. They will want to take a piece of our country for themselves."

But inside Bela's dilapidated two-room home, his Kosovar cousins laugh at the idea of a greater Albania. They say they just hope to live in their country again. Thirteen of them are younger than 16 years old and have none of the exuberance of a gaggle of kids in such close quarters.

Bela says his cousins are in good hands at his home. But he isn't sure how long his family can bear the burden. For the last two weeks, all they have eaten is tea and bread.

''We need help," Bela says. "Who knows if they will ever be able to return to Kosovo. They need to have lives to live of their own."

The voice of Bela's 12-year-old cousin, Gadaf Shiti, is high pitched as he speaks of revenge and promises to join the Kosovo Liberation Army. His mother, who walked three days without food or water to reach the Macedonian border, says she approves of her son's desire to fight. Gadaf's aunt can't get up from a small bed. Her legs won't hold her weight. Too much walking, she says.

They don't know what they'll do if the war doesn't end soon. For now, they'll stay with Bela's family and try to live as best they can as ethnic Albanians in Macedonia, they say.

''Someday I will go back," vows Sheride Shiti, 30, Gadaf's mother. "But it will never be the same. There are too many tears."

Pleading for Protection

NATO to leave refugees at mercy of Macedonia

David Abel
Houston Chronicle Houston Chronicle
4/14/1999

SKOPJE, Macedonia -- When Kosovo refugees began pouring over the Macedonian border a few weeks ago, authorities here in one of Europe's poorest countries issued a plea for help.

NATO answered the call. Soldiers erected massive tent cities, manned food stations, set up field hospitals and kept order in the camps.

Now, NATO is gradually removing itself from the humanitarian mission, handing control of the camps to Macedonian authorities and international relief agencies.

But the fading of NATO's presence has left many refugees worried.

"When we got here on the border, they treated us like animals," Lindita Latife, 21, said of Macedonian police at the refugee camp where she first stayed.

"I don't want to be at their mercy again."

Last week, Latife, an ethnic Albanian from Kosovo's capital of Pristina, was moved to a sprawling tent city built by NATO troops.

Scores of Kosovars interviewed in refugee camps said they were harassed by Macedonian authorities. All spoke of their desire for NATO troops to remain their guardians.

"The horror only got worse here," Lebibe Ibrahimi, 34, an elementary school teacher from Pristina, said of her arrival in Macedonia. "The police separated my family. I still don't know where they are. They beat us."

NATO officials say that much of the control over the camps will be in the hands of relief organizations, such as the UN High Commissioner for Refugees. Yet Macedonia will have sole responsibility for the refugees' security.

"The handover will be a process, not an event," promised Simon MacDowall, a NATO spokesman in Skopje.

Paula Ghedini, a spokeswoman for the UN refugee agency, said the United Nations has offered sensitivity-training classes to Macedonian police.

"In other operations, we recognized that police in most countries are not used to dealing with vulnerable populations," she said. "They're used to dealing with criminals."

Kosovar Albanians say they have another reason for being anxious about the Macedonian takeover of the camps. Ethnic Albanians, who make up about 23 percent of Macedonia's population of 2 million people, have long borne the brunt of discrimination, they say.

As Muslims speaking a different language than the Orthodox Christians who dominate the country, ethnic Albanians are treated like second-class citizens, the refugees say. Many Kosovar Albanians believe that most Macedonians sympathize with the Serbs.

"If you cut the Macedonian with an ax, seven Serbs come out," said one refugee at a camp in the village of Stankovic who asked not to be named.

On a recent night, thousands of men, women and children ambled about the garbage-strewn refugee camp in the village of Brazda, trying to keep warm. Some made small fires. Others walked along the camp's fence for exercise or to stave off boredom.

When refugees came too close to the barbed wire fence, beefy Macedonian police officers patrolling the perimeter with machine guns barked out orders to keep clear.

Arbana Rrustermi, 19, who left Kosovo with only a bag of clothes, said she hopes that the police stay outside the camp's fences.

"They were making jokes as women and children were dying," she said. "They were just cold. I saw them beat people. I saw them beat an old woman. They kicked her when she was on the ground.

"I will never forget that."


Voice from the Grave

A hunted editor dodges death to bring the news to refugees

By David Abel
The San Francisco Chronicle
4/15/1999

TETOVO, Macedonia -- Two weeks ago, sitting alone in the basement of a friend's vacated home, Baton Haxhiu watched on CNN as colleagues, foreign reporters and NATO officials pronounced him dead by summary execution.

Haxhiu, editor-in-chief of Kosovo's leading ethnic Albanian newspaper, Koha Ditore (Daily Times), froze. He thought about his wife and 3-year-old boy. There was nothing he could do. He was a hunted man.

''It was very hard for me," said Haxhiu, 33, who recently surfaced in this largely ethnic Albanian city in northwest Macedonia. "But I was on the Serbs' list. I knew what they would have done if they found me."

On the morning of March 23, the day before NATO began raining bombs on Serbia, Haxhiu (pronounced Hah-GEE-you) drove to his office in the Kosovo capital of Pristina and found blood on the newspaper's front steps. A security guard had been killed, the daily's press burned, all the computers in the office smashed. Before "fining" him 300 German marks, Haxhiu says, police at the scene told him the newspaper would never be published again.

But the bearded editor is moving to prove the Serbs wrong. Next week, with contributions including $150,000 from the British government, Haxhiu and his scattered team of reporters intend to deliver their 24-page broadsheet for free to the thousands of refugees living in camps in Macedonia and Albania. They also plan a new Web site - Serbs destroyed Koha Ditore's previous server, according to Haxhiu - and to take testimony from refugees to document alleged war crimes for the International Criminal Tribunal in The Hague.

''What our people need right now is a sense of community," said Haxhiu, sipping a beer at a swanky cafe in Tetovo between hugs from friends and cell phone calls. "They do not have enough information. They don't know who is alive or dead or where their families are. We want to help."

Indeed, a quick tour through any of the sprawling tent cities dotting Macedonia provides a sense of how desperate the refugees are for information. Some ask foreigners to borrow cell phones and quiz them on the war. Others ask for batteries to supply their radios.

Few appreciate the value of news as much as Haxhiu. For 10 days, he moved surreptitiously from basement to basement, from mosques to friends' homes, hoping to avoid the Serbian onslaught sweeping Kosovo. His only possession was a radio.

He wanted to know what had happened to other intellectuals reported killed by Serbs after attending the funeral of a Kosovar human rights lawyer. He learned later that many of them were also alive. "The only important thing for me was the news," he said.

Haxhiu has worked as a journalist since writing for his university's newspaper in Pristina. In March 1996, with tensions mounting as Serbian leader Slobodan Milosevic cracked down on Kosovo's nearly 2 million ethnic Albanians, he started the independent Koha Ditore. The paper criticized not only Milosevic's repression, but also the growing movement toward armed resistance supported by the Kosovo Liberation Army. For its stance, the newspaper's employees became victims in the emerging conflict. Serbian police frequently harassed distributors and sometimes beat them. Haxhiu was repeatedly interrogated.

After 10 days dodging marauding paramilitary units, Haxhiu found his opportunity to escape. Through the basement window of the neighborhood mosque where he had been hiding, he saw thousands of legs scurrying in the streets. He previously had shaved his auburn beard to disguise himself. He put on a hat. When he got outside, he saw a young woman holding a baby. " 'From now on, I am your husband and this is my child,'" Haxhiu told the woman, who immediately recognized him. "She just said, 'You're alive!'"

The soft-spoken journalist sped away with the woman and child in his red Volkswagen Golf. His own wife, son and parents remained in Pristina.

Four days later, with the help of the leader of Macedonia's ethnic Albanian political party, he crossed from Kosovo into Macedonia untouched by Serbian police. He emerged in London, where Britain and other Western nations pledged to help him launch Koha Ditore in exile.

Working out of a friend's small, unadorned office and spending most of his time exchanging news with friends from Kosovo at the cafť, Haxhiu says the only obstacle in his path may be the Macedonian government.

This small former republic of Yugoslavia has long discriminated against its ethnic Albanians, which account for at least 23 percent of its population. Many Macedonians fear their recently established country could turn into another Kosovo, with ethnic Albanians seeking independence oa greater Albania.

Haxhiu says he's concerned that "paranoid" government officials might ban him from publishing in Macedonia. But he's confident that the paper will be in the hands of refugees by next week.

"Our plan is to publish," he says. "The refugees need news. We will provide it."

US Arms Aide Milosevic

Nearly $1 billion in weapons shipped

By David Abel
The Boston Globe De Boston Globe
7/4/1999

WASHINGTON - Following a pattern of supplying future foes with high-tech weapons, the United States furnished Yugoslavia with nearly $1 billion in arms during the past five decades, according to the Pentagon's Security Cooperation Agency.

After Slobodan Milosevic came to power in 1987, the United States continued the flow of weapons, including fighter aircraft, tanks, and artillery. In all, $96 million in arms and training was provided for the Milosevic government before 1991, when war in the Balkans brought the program to a halt.

The United States, which dominates the world's arms trade, sold or gave away more than $21 billion in weapons to 168 nations in 1997, the last year statistics were available, according to Demilitarization for Democracy, a group in Washington that advocates arms control.

"President Clinton justifies today's record arms exports to dictators as a way to gain influence and encourage reform," said Caleb Rossiter, director of
Demilitarization for Democracy, saying that at least 52 recipients of US arms are nondemocratic nations. "But the billion-dollar military investment in Yugoslavia's dictators was justified in the same way. Kosovar civilians suffered from this policy and US forces were placed at risk."

US officials have long claimed the lucrative arms sales have a purpose beyond profit.

During the Cold War, the prime justification was that by providing arms to countries such as Somalia or Iraq, both of which later used US weapons against American soldiers, the United States ensured their clients would be under US influence instead of that of the Soviet Union. Furthermore, officials argued that recipients of arms from America were more likely to promote US interests and contribute to regional stability.

But since the fall of the Soviet Union, a significantly new justification for continued arms sales has emerged: maintaining the US military's industrial base in a decade of declining defense budgets.

"This is not a black-or-white issue," said Wade Boese, a senior research analyst at the Arms Control Association, a Washington think tank. "Money is definitely a factor, and arms sales provide the United States with influence on the way militaries develop. But the key point is that weapons outlast the regimes they're intended to support."

Examples abound of US arms sales to friendly governments turned unfriendly. In Iran, the United States had helped prop up an autocratic ally during the 1960s and 1970s with the latest F-14 fighters, Hawk missile batteries and modern destroyers. But when the shah's corrupt regime was toppled by Muslim fundamentalists led by Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini, the new regime usurped the modern weapons, instantly becoming a powerful enemy of the United States.

Similar examples can be found in many countries, including Panama, Haiti, Liberia and Afghanistan. And in some cases, weapons supplied to countries still close to the United States have been used for purposes the US government later condemned. In Turkey, arms provided by the United States have been used to repress the country's Kurdish minority.

The United States first began supplying Yugoslavia with arms in 1950, after the nation's leader, Josip Broz Tito, refused to join the Soviet-led Warsaw Pact. US military exports to Yugoslavia that decade included 15 F-84G Lockheed Thunderstreak fighters, 60 M-47 tanks and hundreds of artillery pieces and antiaircraft guns, valued then at more than $723 million.

Military sales fell off in the next two decades but picked up again after Tito's death in 1980. In the 1960s and 1970s, the United States sold Yugoslavia a mine countermeasure ship and millions of dollars worth of sophisticated electronic equipment. In the 1980s, the US government and US companies sold the Balkan nation $193 million in air-to-surface missiles and air defense radar systems, some of which may have been fired at NATO planes during the 11-week air campaign that ended in June.

"It doesn't help to just slap on an embargo after you provide all these arms," said Anna Rich, a researcher at Washington's Federation of American Scientists' Arms Sales Monitoring Project.

The best way to make sure this kind of thing doesn't happen again is by Congress passing a general code of conduct."

A bill was introduced on the floor of the House last month that would prohibit arms sales to nondemocratic governments that fail to protect human rights, engage in armed aggression and do not fully participate in the UN Register of Conventional Arms.

As the bill has so far been drafted, there would be two exceptions: The president could request Congress to exempt a country if it is in the national security interest to provide military support to that nation or if there is an emergency and a vital interest of the United States is threatened.

Many longtime weapons specialists, such as retired Admiral Eugene Carroll, said a code of conduct is long overdue. He said US weapons have been turned against US diers too many times, he said. He also indicated US arms may have been used in war crimes such as those committed by Serbian forces in Bosnia and Kosovo.

"The solution is to quit leading the world in the arms trade," said Carroll, now deputy director of the Center for Defense Information, a Washington think tank. "The fewer arms in the world, the better for the United States. There is just less potential for violence."


posted by David Abel

On Patrol, France is NATO

By David Abel Door David Abel
Defense Week Defensie Week
4/26/1999 4/26/1999

NORTH OF KUMANOVO, Macedonia -- Scores of ethnic Albanian children lined the narrow dirt road, raising their fingers in the victory sign as the convoy of French troop carriers ground through their villages to its base hidden in the mountains. NOORDEN VAN Kumanovo, MacedoniŽ - Scores van etnisch-Albanese kinderen stonden langs de smalle onverharde weg, het verhogen van hun vingers in de overwinning teken als het konvooi van de Franse troepen vervoerders de grond door middel van hun dorpen naar de basis verborgen in de bergen.

The soldiers packed into the large vehicles wore Kevlar helmets, armor-plated flak jackets and gripped 7 pound Famas assault rifles. De soldaten verpakt in de grote voertuigen droegen Kevlar helmen, gepantserde scherfwerende vesten en greep 7 pond Famas geweren. Some aimed their weapons from hatches in the roof. Sommige richtten hun wapens uit luiken in het dak. Others tossed chocolate bars to their well-wishers. Anderen gooiden bars chocolade aan hun weldoeners.

"NATO, NATO!" "De NAVO, de NAVO!" the children yelled in support as the stocky Renault-built vehicles passed through one village recently with pink tulips sprouting near a row of red tile-roofed homes. de kinderen schreeuwde ter ondersteuning als de gedrongen Renault-gebouwde voertuigen gepasseerd door een dorp onlangs met roze tulpen kiemen in de buurt van een rij van rode tegel dak huizen.

"It makes me feel good to see them," said Pfc. "Het maakt me een goed gevoel om ze te zien," zei Pfc. David Bicuse, 19, on his first trip out of France. David Bicuse, 19, op zijn eerste reis uit Frankrijk. "They are happy to see us. We're a force of good. We're here to protect the peace." "Ze zijn blij ons te zien. We zijn een kracht van het goede. We zijn hier om de vrede te beschermen."

The French haven't always been eager to be identified with NATO. De Fransen hebben niet altijd te popelen om te worden geÔdentificeerd met de NAVO. But an afternoon on patrol with soldiers from France's 8th Parachute Marine Infantry Division shows how Paris is coming back into the fold. Maar een middag op patrouille met soldaten van de 8ste Parachute Frankrijk Marine Infanterie Divisie laat zien hoe Parijs komt terug in de plooi. In 1966, President Charles de Gaulle forced NATO to move its headquarters from Paris to Brussels and removed France from the alliance's military command to protest US domination. In 1966, president Charles de Gaulle gedwongen de NAVO naar Parijs te verplaatsen zijn hoofdkwartier van naar Brussel en verwijderd Frankrijk de alliantie van de militaire overheersing het commando om protest VS.

The decision, taken in the midst of the Cold War, was the culmination of years of Franco-American rivalry over control of the alliance. Het besluit, genomen in het midden van de Koude Oorlog, was het hoogtepunt van jarenlange Franco-Amerikaanse rivaliteit controle over de alliantie. Despite the tension, France retained its membership in NATO's political wing and has maintained close military ties to the alliance. Ondanks de spanning, Frankrijk behield haar lidmaatschap van de politieke vleugel van de NAVO en onderhoudt nauwe militaire banden met de alliantie. Over the years, French forces have taken part in allied exercises, have had a role in NATO air surveillance and have shared military infrastructure such as fuel pipelines and communications. De loop der jaren, krachten hebben Franse deelgenomen aan geallieerde oefeningen, hebben een rol in de NAVO surveillance vanuit de lucht en hebben een gedeelde militaire infrastructuur, zoals pijpleidingen brandstof en communicatie. In 1991, France demonstrated its solidarity with NATO countries when President Francois Mitterrand committed French troops to the Gulf War. In 1991, Frankrijk blijk van zijn solidariteit met de NAVO-landen, toen president Francois Mitterrand troepen gepleegd Frans naar de Golfoorlog.

Rapprochement didn't begin until shortly after NATO bombed Bosnian Serbs in late summer of 1995-the alliance's first sustained combat operation in its history. Toenadering begon pas kort na de NAVO-ServiŽrs gebombardeerd Bosnische in de late zomer van 1995-de alliantie de eerste duurzame bestrijding operatie in haar geschiedenis. A few months later, with 60,000 NATO troops poised to launch the alliance's first peacekeeping mission, President Jacques Chirac decided France would resume attending NATO military meetings. Een paar maanden later, met 60.000 NAVO-troepen klaar om missie lancering de alliantie eerste vredeshandhaving, president Jacques Chirac besloten Frankrijk zou hervatten bijwonen NAVO militaire vergaderingen. Paris, however, stopped short of rejoining the alliance's integrated military structure. Paris, echter gestopt korte van weer verenigen de alliantie geÔntegreerde militaire structuur.

French leaders say they won't fully join the military wing until Washington agrees to surrender control of NATO's southern military command to a European officer. Franse leiders zeggen dat ze niet volledig vleugel toetreden tot de militaire totdat Washington stemt ermee in om commando overlevering controle zuidelijke militairen van de NAVO om een Europese officier. They believe Europeans should have more power. Zij geloven dat Europeanen moeten energie meer hebben. Allied Forces Southern Europe, which includes the US Sixth Fleet in the Mediterranean, has always had an American officer in charge. Geallieerde Strijdkrachten Zuid-Europa, waar mediterrane omvat de Amerikaanse Zesde Vloot in de, heeft altijd al een Amerikaanse officier belast. And the United States has said it won't let its sailors serve under foreign command. En de Verenigde Staten heeft gezegd zal het niet laten haar zeilers dienen onder vreemde commando.

'We are NATO' 'Wij zijn de NAVO "

Like many of the nearly 2,500 French soldiers serving here in NATO's Allied Rapid Reaction Corps, those in France's 8th Parachute Marine Infantry Division consider themselves as much a part of the alliance as soldiers from the United States and Britain. Net als veel van de bijna 2.500 Franse soldaten, die hier in de NAVO Allied Rapid Reaction Corps, die in de 8e Parachute Frankrijk Marine Infanterie Divisie beschouwen zichzelf als een onderdeel van de alliantie als soldaten uit de Verenigde Staten en Groot-BrittanniŽ. They fly a bright orange swatch of plastic on top of their vehicles to identify themselves as members of NATO, exchange food rations with other alliance members to keep a variety (though, of course, the French say their meals are superior) and at night they hear the same bombs exploding on the other side of the border. Ze vliegen een fel oranje lap plastic op de top van hun voertuigen om zich te identificeren als leden van de NAVO, de uitwisseling voedselrantsoenen met andere leden van de alliantie van het ras houden (hoewel, natuurlijk, de Fransen zeggen hun maaltijden superieur zijn) en 's nachts hoor dezelfde bommen ontploffen aan de andere kant van de grens.

"We are not isolated," said Capt. Eme Paravisini Bruno, who commands the paratroopers and admits nervousness increased among his ranks after Serbs captured three US soldiers. "We zijn niet geÔsoleerd," zei kapitein Eme Paravisini Bruno, die opdrachten van de parachutisten en erkent nervositeit steeg onder zijn gelederen na de ServiŽrs gevangen drie Amerikaanse soldaten. "France is in it with NATO. Our mission is united. We are NATO." "Frankrijk is er met de NAVO. Onze missie is verenigd. We NAVO zijn."

When the convoy of armored personnel carriers rolled into Matejche, a small village on the Macedonian-Kosovo border where one-fourth of the population is ethnic Serbian, the French soldiers heard the same insults reported by Americans and British troops. Toen het konvooi van gepantserde personenvoertuigen gerold in Matejche, een klein dorpje aan de Macedonische grens met Kosovo-waar een kwart van de bevolking is etnisch Servische, de Franse soldaten hoorde dezelfde beledigingen gemeld door Amerikanen en Britse troepen. As the patrol stopped to buy fresh meat on a road separating 100 Serbs and their Orthodox church from 300 ethnic Albanians living beside a mosque, locals emerged from homes and stores to either cheer or jeer the paratroopers. Als de patrouille gestopt om vlees te kopen verse op een weg te scheiden 100 ServiŽrs en hun orthodoxe kerk van 300 etnische Albanezen wonen naast een moskee, de lokale bevolking zijn voortgekomen uit huizen en winkels om ofwel te vrolijken of bespotten de parachutisten.

"It's not just Clinton who is fascist," said Aleksandar Dehevic, 23, an ethnic Serbian farmer certain the Serbs would prevail against the alliance. "Het is niet alleen Clinton wie fascistische is," zei Aleksandar Dehevic, 23, een etnische Servische landbouwer bepaalde de ServiŽrs zou prevaleren tegen de alliantie. "Any of the countries in NATO are no better than Hitler. They're terrorists." "Elk van de landen in de NAVO zijn geen haar beter dan Hitler. Ze zijn terroristen."

A few miles further north into the foothills of the Sar Planina mountains, which separate Macedonia from Kosovo, the convoy arrived at a checkpoint with soldiers donning red berets and machine guns. Een paar mijl verdere noorden in de uitlopers van de Sar Planina bergen, die gescheiden MacedoniŽ vanaf Kosovo, het konvooi arriveerde bij een controlepost met soldaten aantrekken rode baretten en machinegeweren. The guards cleared the personnel carriers to climb a muddy trail that wound through a thicket and opened into the paratroopers' modest camp. De bewakers gewist het personeel vervoerders om het kamp te beklimmen een modderig pad dat wond door een bosje en opende in de parachutisten 'bescheiden. On a broad, open slope, scores of soldiers spent the afternoon munching souffles and rationed crackers, cleaning their weapons and smoking cigarette after cigarette. Op een brede, open helling, scores van soldaten brachten de middag kauwend souffles en gerantsoeneerd crackers, schoonmaken van hun wapens en roken sigaret na sigaret.

"We are waiting," said 1st Sgt. "We wachten", zei eerste Sgt. Raufauore Etera, 24, watching a pot of tea boil. Raufauore Etera, 24, kijken naar een pot thee koken. "Our job is to stay out of danger until we are needed." "Onze taak is om weg te blijven van het gevaar totdat we nodig zijn."

The final answer Het definitieve antwoord

Like the other 12,000 NATO soldiers spread throughout Macedonia, the paratroopers' mission grows less clear by the day. Net als de andere 12.000 NAVO-soldaten verspreid over MacedoniŽ, de parachutisten 'missie groeit minder duidelijk door de dag. French troops were dispatched here with a force of only 12 helicopters, 12 light tanks and 29 armored personnel carriers to await a peace agreement. Franse troepen waren hier verzonden met een kracht van slechts 12 helikopters, 12 lichte tanks en 29 gepantserde personenvoertuigen tot overeenstemming te wachten op een vrede. However, as NATO's bombing campaign stretches into its second month and Serbian leaders remain intransigent, it's increasingly unlikely NATO will shift roles from making war to enforcing peace. Echter, zoals de NAVO-bombardementen uitstrekt tot in de tweede maand en Servische leiders onverzettelijk blijven, is het steeds onwaarschijnlijker NAVO zal rollen verschuiven van het maken van oorlog naar de handhaving van vrede.

"We will do what we are told," said Lt. Baure Christophe, 28. "We zullen doen wat ons wordt verteld," zei luitenant Baure Christophe, 28. "If our orders change, we will respond." "Als onze orders veranderen, zullen wij reageren."

New orders could include taking part in a ground assault on Serbian forces holding Kosovo, Serbia's embattled southern province. Nieuwe orders kunnen zijn deel te nemen aan een grond aanval op Servische troepen bedrijf Kosovo, strijdende zuidelijke ServiŽ provincie. That prospect may have gained currency last week when Chirac said in a televised speech that the alliance should apply "additional means" besides escalating the air war to stop "massacres, rapes, burned villages, families separated and thrown onto the roads." Dat vooruitzicht kan hebben opgedaan munt vorige week, toen Chirac zei in een televisietoespraak dat de alliantie moet stoppen van toepassing zijn "extra middelen" naast escalerende de lucht oorlog "moordpartijen, verkrachtingen, verbrande dorpen, families gescheiden en gegooid op de wegen."

French officials reportedly said Chirac's statement was an allusion to ground forces, and that France's plan was to seek a UN Security Council resolution mandating such a force, though such a request would almost certainly face a Russian veto. Franse ambtenaren verluidt zei Chirac was de verklaring een toespeling op grondtroepen, en dat Frankrijk van plan was om geweld te streven naar een VN-resolutie van de Veiligheidsraad het verplicht een dergelijk, hoewel een dergelijk verzoek zou vrijwel zeker te maken met een Russisch veto. Gearing up to return to France's principal base 15 miles from the border in Kumanovo, a loud thud echoed from across the border. Gearing up om terug te keren voor de belangrijkste uitvalsbasis van Frankrijk 15 mijl uit de grens in Kumanovo, een luide plof weergalmde van over de grens. High above, against a bright blue sky, two streaks of white condensation streamed from the wings of a NATO fighter. Hoog boven, tegen een heldere blauwe hemel, twee strepen van witte condens gestreamd vanaf de vleugels van een NAVO-gevechtsvliegtuig.

Capt. Bruno tightened the strap on his camouflaged helmet and secured his flack jacket. Kapitein Bruno aangescherpt de riem op zijn gecamoufleerd helm en beveiligd zijn Flack jasje. After climbing into one of the returning armored personnel carriers and rising through a hatch holding his Famas, he squinted into the distance and pondered the war. Na klimmen in een van de terugkerende pantserwagens en de stijgende via een luik hield zijn FAMAS, hij tuurde in de verte en dacht na de oorlog.

"We hear the reports of atrocities as everyone," Paravisini said. "Wij horen de verslagen van wreedheden zoals iedereen", zei Paravisini. "We want them to stop. Maybe we are the only answer." "We willen hen om te stoppen. Misschien zijn we het enige antwoord."

De propaganda-oorlog

NAVO Bommen ServiŽrs Met Leaflets

By David Abel Door David Abel
The Boston Globe De Boston Globe
05/09/1999 05/09/1999

WASHINGTON -- On one leaflet, the caption beneath a picture of a low-flying A-10 attack plane warns Serbs: ``Don't wait for me!'' WASHINGTON - Op een bijsluiter, het bijschrift onder een afbeelding van een laagvliegende A-10 aanval vliegtuig waarschuwt ServiŽrs: `` Wacht niet voor mij''!

Next to photos of a burning building in Belgrade and of Yugoslav leader Slobodan Milosevic, a different flyer asks, ``Is it really his to gamble?'' Naast foto's van een brandend gebouw in Belgrado en van de Joegoslavische leider Slobodan Milosevic, een andere flyer vraagt, `` Is het echt zijn gok om?''
And on another, NATO offers Serbs a blunt equation: ``No fuel, no power, no trade, no freedom, no future = Milosevic.'' En op een ander, de NAVO biedt ServiŽrs een botte vergelijking: `` Geen brandstof, geen stroom, geen handel, geen vrijheid, geen toekomst = Milosevic''.

Since April 3, officials said, allied planes have taken to the Balkan skies at least 14 times to unload one of NATO's nonexplosive weapon


Ingezonden door: jeroen scholte - Datum: 06-10-2010 om 08:39:57

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